By Helaine Silverman
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Additional info for Ancient Nasca Settlement and Society
Although we are most accustomed to considering locality as an issue in postmodern societies with multiple and multiply socialized and competing ethnic groups and minorities, ethnography strongly suggests the relevance of the concept to ancient societies. Smith’s (1987) phrase and eponymous book title, “to take place,” is rich in meaning for this discussion. Human action takes place (happens) in place (location and space) and thus takes place (creates place, creates space). Concomitantly, place takes us: it and its spatiality construct and constrain our actions as much as our actions reciprocally create and animate.
Feld and Basso 1996; Stefanovic 1998). Therefore, we cannot securely address the related issue of locality production, for, as deﬁned by Appadurai (1996: 178), locality is “primarily relational and contextual rather than . . scalar or spatial . . it [is] a complex phenomenological quality, constituted by a series of links between the sense of social immediacy, the technologies of interactivity, and the relativity of contexts. This phenomenological quality . . expresses itself in certain kinds of agency, sociality and reproducibility” (see also Lovell 1998).
Some pieces of land were reckoned by the number of plants . . that could be grown on it. Again this measure varied by crop and locality, thus supporting the native notion that land was measured according to what was needed to sustain a given socially or culturally deﬁned group. Given the alteration of so many Nasca site surfaces and the scarcity and postdepositional movement of Nasca potsherds, I am reluctant to propose phase-by-phase areal and population estimates, let alone discuss site activities beyond general categories.
Ancient Nasca Settlement and Society by Helaine Silverman
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