By Julia Long

ISBN-10: 1780320256

ISBN-13: 9781780320250

Anti-porn feminism is again. Countering the continued "pornification" of Western tradition and society, anti-porn pursuits are powerfully re-emerging between a brand new iteration of feminist activists within the united kingdom and around the world.

Anti-Porn: The Resurgence of Anti-Porn Feminism examines the ways that the hot feminist arguments and campaigns round pornography are articulated, deployed and obtained. Drawing on unique, ethnographic examine, it offers an in-depth research of the ideological stance, tactical repertoires, effect and importance of crusade teams tough the pornography undefined.

This exact and encouraging ebook explains the outstanding comeback of anti-porn feminism and demanding situations liberal views and the mainstreaming on pornography of pornography that adjustments the character of our intimate relationships.

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The male role in the construction and protection of nations and states is – as argued before – metonymic in the sense that ‘men are contiguous with each other and with the national whole’, whereas women are usually given a ‘metaphoric or symbolic role’ (McClintock 1995, 355; see also Iveković and Mostov 2001; Puwar 2004, 6). ’ (Puwar 2004, 26; see also Warner 1996). Nira Yuval Davis and Floya Anthias (1989) distinguish five major ways in which women have been implicated in the construction and maintenance of nations and states: as the biological reproducers of the members of national collectives; as active transmitters and producers of national culture, being the main educators of children, thus supporting and strengthening nations and states; as the reproducers of the symbolic boundaries of national groups through restrictions on sexual or marital relations, exemplified in the virginity or inter-group marriage norms, or the punishment of adultery; as symbolic signifiers of national difference, for instance through the control of their clothing; and as active participants in national struggles, although often to a lesser extent (see also Anderson 1998; Blom, Hagemann and Hall 2000; McClintock 1993; Yuval-Davis 1997).

In this sense, the function of identity construction can be connected to the concept of responsiveness as found in Birch’s function of popular control. Much as in Pitkin’s definition of substantive representation, responsiveness means ensuring ‘that decision makers are responsive to the interest and opinions of the public’ (Birch 1972, 107). Political representation is meant to put forward the needs and interests of the people, and the mechanism of responsiveness, though little conceptualised (Severs 2010), is meant to capture these Theorising Symbolic Representation 33 needs and interests.

Its importance resides in the fact that the agent does something to the principal in standing for him or her. This evocation of meaning, we argue, fulfils a number of functions, as we will explain below. Beyond a Binary Construct of Principal and Agent Before doing so, we need to tackle one more issue, one related to the fact that the agent in symbolic representation gets constructed. The agent symbolically Theorising Symbolic Representation 29 representing the principal might be as passive as a descriptive representative in mirroring a constituency – flags or national anthems do not tend to be active in the same way as a member of parliament substantively representing a principal is – but it still needs to be preceded by a construction of the representative value of the symbolic agent.

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